Research

Research Projects

Europe – External Relations

Governance in the Enlarged Europe

->top

Areas of Research

The Center for EU Enlargement Studies at Central European University initiates and coordinates research on issues connected with the enlargement of European integration. It is focusing on consequences of the last round of EU enlargement (2004 and 2007) as well as on the next possible waves of extending the integration process. Research is to expand in two directions: integration effects in new member states, in countries targeted by EU enlargement policy and neighborhood policy, on the one hand, and the impact of enlargement in the EU including both member states and various institutions of the EU on the other hand.

Timeframe of the analyses is rather limited: the period of 2000 – 2020 is in focus. At the same time, the geographical scope is large comprising the ‘big Europe’ and its neighborhood: the EU-25, the Western-Balkans, Russia, Ukraine and the other CIS countries and the Mediterranean Basin. The main objective is initiating and advising political discussions.

Research activities are organized along the following main axes:

1. The effects of the last (2004) enlargement

1.1. ‘Beyond Accession’ What has changed in the new member states? This topic comprises the various effects of integration in the new Central and East European member states: macroeconomic phenomena (investment, employment, state budget, preconditions of accession to the Euro-zone, etc.), market conditions, entrepreneurial climate, labor market, sociological consequences, political life (development of democracy, human and minority rights, etc.).

1.2. ‘Beyond Homogeneity’ What has changed in the (enlarged) internal market of the EU? Is the smooth functioning of the single market of goods really assured? What are the economic and political obstacles to the liberalization of the market of services (problems of the ‘Bolkestein directive’)? What are the lessons of the postponed and gradual opening of the labor market of the ‘EU15’ towards the new member states? Does the ‘Polish plumber’ represent a real threat? What are the motives behind the ‘relocalization’ of capital inside and outside the EU? This topic includes the comparative analysis of price, wage and tax levels across the enlarged EU.

1.3. ‘Beyond Solidarity’ What are the economic and political motives behind the difficult birth of the 2007-13 financial perspective? What are the – real and supposed – interests of the ‘net contributing’ and ‘net recipient’ member states? Can all the contributions to and financing from the EU budget be identified with one or another member state? How could the ‘redistributive’ character of the EU budget be transformed towards a ‘community model’? What decision making principles would be in harmony with various and disproportionate EU budgetary positions of the individual member states?

1.4. ‘Beyond Maastricht:’ What are the lessons of the first years of the functioning of the euro-zone? What are the preconditions of its further extension? Are the ‘Maastricht criteria’ still appropriate and applicable to the founding members of the euro-zone? Do they fit the specific closing-up model of the economies of the new member states? Is the ‘competition model’ of enlarging the EMU the best way of selecting the countries acceding the euro-zone? What would be the effects of differentiated entry dates on the integration of the Visegrad or the Baltic States with each other and the ‘EU15’?

2. Preparing the next enlargements

2.1 Preparatory Actions in the Candidate Countries. Conformity with the ‘Copenhagen criteria,’ taking over and implementing the acquis communautaire.’ Lessons of the accession negotiations of Romania, Bulgaria and Croatia. Specificities of the entry of Turkey into the EU. The stabilization and association process in the candidate countries of the Western Balkans: Macedonia, Albania, Bosnia and Herzegovina, Serbia and Montenegro.

2.2 The impacts of enlargement on the neighborhood policy of the EU. The eastern and south-eastern continental dimension of the EU has created new challenges to the neighborhood policy: most of the neighbors of the neighbors of yesterday became candidates. But the real and self-named candidates remain neighbors for several years to come. Russia and Ukraine are two big and direct neighbors of the EU that deserve specific approaches. Apart from the above mentioned East European and North Caucasian neighbors, the Central Asian CIS countries have a double attachment to the integrated center of Europe: through Russia on the one hand, and Turkey on the other hand. Enlargement has an impact on relations with traditional EU neighbors, too: the South and East Mediterranean (the ‘Barcelona process’) and the ‘EFTA enclave’ (Switzerland, Norway, Iceland).

2.3 Enlargement without Accession. As a political, economic and spiritual center of Europe, the EU is transmitting and imposing its norms and values on its large neighborhood. However, the traditional ‘European’ norms are in conflict with emerging anti-modernization and (national and religious) fundamentalist ideologies. What impact can the EU exercise on its neighborhood in the pre-accession period? What are the chances of – and the limits to – the extraterritorial application of EU law? How far will and can a candidate country harmonize its legal order with the ‘acquis communtaire’? How could transeuropean networks of transport, energy and telecommunication as well as institutional networks of environment and consumer protection etc. be further extended to the large neighborhood of the EU?

2.4 Extended Cohesion Policy. How could cohesion policy of the EU be applicable to a larger circle of neighboring countries? In what way could an enlarging network of interregional and transregional relations be attached to the EU-27? Two neighboring regions deeply embedded in the EU, namely Kaliningrad of Russia and the Transkarpathian region of Ukraine could serve as models for special relationship between the EU and its direct neighbors.

3. The future of the enlarging EU

3.1 Lessons of the Constitutional Treaty. What is the message of the French and Dutch “no” to the draft Constitution: crisis of the ‘elitist model,’ bad timing of the European Convention, the burden that Part III. of the text imposed, the ‘revenge of the democracy deficit,’ poor presentation, or real and false fears from enlargement? What further steps could be taken in order to save – and utilize – the valuable ideas and proposals of the European Convention and the following Intergovernmental Conference?

3.2 What policies and projects for an enlarging Europe? Where are the limits of competencies belonging to the member states? What should be done at the integrated European governance level? How could the single market, the EMU, the Lisbon program, the CAP, the Schengen zone, the TEN, etc. function better, to the benefit of the member states and the citizens of the EU? What objectives could an extended and revised cohesion policy follow?

3.3 Do institutions really matter? How could the role and the influence of the main EU institutions be better balanced? How could the decision making and legislative work of the Ministerial Council be improved and simplified? How could a better distribution of roles, and a closer cooperation between the European Parliament and the national parliaments be introduced? To what extent should member states be directly represented in the various organs and at various levels of EU institutions? How could representative and competitive selection of persons in the EU Commission better be harmonized with each other? How could neighbors be included into the work of EU institutions? What would be the chances of the Committee of the Regions and the Economic and Social Council to have more influence on the integration process?

3.4 The future of the integration model. Is the EU a special form of transnational governance? Is it a potential global actor? Is it a new form of territorially bound and expressed power? What are the chances of extending a more-of-less uniform economic space? What is the role of non-governmental actors like trans-national corporations, NGOs, etc? Is there a realistic final political objective of European unification? Can power, sovereignty and identity of national governments be balanced or framed by a supra- or transnational set of institutions? Could any major political development be achieved from the above aspects in the next 10-15 years?

->top

The CENS Network

The CENS network aims to bring together research institutes, European Studies centers, and individual researchers from Central and Eastern Europe in order to contribute to the debate on the future of an enlarged European Union. Its purpose is also to provide comprehensive analyses of the results and lessons of the previous EU enlargement [2004] on the one hand, and exploring the potential effects of further enlargements on the other hand.

Aims of the network are to:

Activities of the network include:

Benefits of membership:

Member requirements:

Please download application form for Individual members here
Please download application form for Institutions here

Send your application form via fax to: +36-1-328-3444 or via e-mail to cens@ceu.hu

->top